Sold – FDR Abandons the Pretense of Neutrality in Favor of Outright Support of Great Britain

When World War II broke out in Europe in September 1939, a large percentage of the American people simple wanted to keep. Then in the spring of 1940, with Poland and Czechoslovakia already in hand, and Italy an ally, the German blitzkrieg tore through western Europe; by June the Nazis had conquered Denmark, Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands and France. Only Great Britain stood in opposition to Hitler’s designs of world domination, and it had neither the supplies nor munitions to hold out against this conquering juggernaut. Though the American public still hoped to remain uninvolved, President Roosevelt and others saw the situation as a danger to our national security and sought to extend aid to Britain to enable it to continue the struggle. But he had to do so with care and build the support of the American people slowly, while remaining neutral in the conflict.

Roosevelt first introduced his solution – the idea of lend-lease – to the American people during his fireside chat of December 29, 1940. In a memorable talk, FDR explained that the United States must become the “great arsenal of democracy”, else little would impede the march of tyranny. Under lend-lease, the U.S. would supply Britain (and eventually other Allied nations) with vast amounts of war material, and they would repay the U.S. in kind after the war, thus avoiding controversies about sales, dollars and war debts. This may have been Roosevelt’s greatest and most impactful idea as President. In his State of the Union address in early January 1941, Roosevelt presented the case for lend–lease, and the bill (entitled “An Act to Further Promote the Defense of the United States”) was sent to Congress. It passed both houses and was signed into law on March 11, 1941. Although it did not formally establish the United States as a combatant in the war, this act established the policy of material support to Britain, while ending the pretense of its neutrality and FDR’s need to walk on eggshells. On March 12, Prime Minister Winston Churchill addressed Parliament to express his appreciation to Congress and the American people. Roosevelt responded in a speech he gave at the White House Correspondents Association dinner on March 15, reportedly the first time he spoke in public about the bill after its passage.

Through the enactment of the lease – lend bill the country has now definitely adopted the policy of giving aid to those are defending themselves against the advance of the conquering forces.

That very day, in perhaps one of his first letters on lend-lease after its passage, he wrote James Cromwell, his former envoy to Canada who was also a friend and social acquaintence. He and Cromwell had previously discussed getting aid to the hungry in occupied Europe, but in a letter clearly in his own voice, he shows his deft mastery of politics and diplomacy, while explaining why that is no longer practical. Typed Letter Signed, dated March 15, 1941, “I have just read your letter of March 11. Although we are sending and shall continue to send where practicable medicines and food stuffs through the Red Cross for the relief of children in accessible parts of Europe, the whole problem of feeding has, in my opinion, altered materially since we discussed the possibility of sending someone to make a survey of the food situation in the countries under German occupation. Specifically, as you are aware, the British have reacted to the Hoover experimental proposal with a definite refusal to consider the relaxation of their blockade measures with respect to food shipments into territories under the control or domination of Germany. Furthermore, the French Government have…threatened the use of Naval escorts in the event the British do not make possible some arrangements for importations of food supplies into unoccupied France. To my mind neither of these positions…is the best way of working out some possible solution. These are, however, matters which in the first instance lie within the province of the two governments, although we have been and will continue to be in touch with both governments regarding this general situation.”

FDR then turns to the idea of sending of a representative to Europe to report on food conditions in the occupied territories, and in so doing gives an exposition of post-lend-lease U.S. policy. “I do not believe that this should be done at this particular time. Through the enactment of the lease – lend bill the country has now definitely adopted the policy of giving aid to those are defending themselves against the advance of the conquering forces. In spite of the sympathetic attitude of the American people toward the plight of the distressed and suffering peoples in the conquered territories, I question very much whether any action which might even appear to envisage assistance to the Axis powers would receive the support of the great bulk of American public opinion.” He next expresses concern that sending any supplies into German-held areas might be seen as support for the German occupation. “I’m convinced that a fact-finding trip, such as we were considering a few weeks ago, we run the risk of being given equivocal interpretations by both the American people and those of other nations, and in the face of the present attitude of the occupying government I doubt very much whether…it would be any real sincere assistance…”