In a Great, Unpublished Letter, Secretary of State James Monroe Warns: If the Peace Talks at Ghent Fail, the U.S. Must Ramp Up Its War Effort

He floats the idea that the French officers could fight alongside Americans against the British; sees the downfall of Napoleon, and consequent increase in British power and influence, as detrimental to the interests of the United States; The letter discusses over a dozen matters of great importance, such as the U.S. attitude to the new French government, and instructs the U.S. ambassador in Paris to make overtures to it

After a series of wars that lasted 21 years, Napoleon, who had known so many triumphs and had changed the face of Europe, suffered stinging defeats and defections in 1814. In April he was compelled to surrender and in May found himself in exile at Elba. News of these stirring events reached Boston on June 3, and within 5 days had made its way to Washington. This intelligence was anything but welcome in the United States, and caused great apprehension. The British had huge, experienced armies in Europe, and very capable military leaders (like the Duke of Wellington); with Napoleon gone and there being peace in Europe, all of these assets could be sent to prosecute the war in America, and the U.S. might be overwhelmed. On the other hand, the events were so epochal that Americans could not help but watch in amazement, and wonder about the fate of the parties and persons involved, and about the future of Europe and indeed the world.

Towards the end of June, word arrived in the U.S. that the restored King Louis XVIII had granted a charter, a liberal constitution with twelve articles analogous to a Bill of Rights. They contained such measures as a declaration of equality before the law, due process rights, religious toleration, freedom of the press, protection of private property, abolition of conscription. These principles, together with the retention of the Napoleonic Code, represent some of the permanent gains of the French Revolution. This charter was seen in the U.S. as a good sign that there would not be a return to authoritarian rule in France.

William H. Crawford was U.S. ambassador to France at the time, and was responsible for superintending the American consuls in Europe, and keeping them informed of developments. More than that, he was an advisor to the President on the happenings on the Continent. As Ambassador to the Court of one of the two major adversaries in the conflicts in Europe, he was also actively involved in the Ghent negotiation process, advising the negotiators and responding to their confidential communiqués.  He would later serve as Secretary of War and Secretary of the Treasury under Presidents Madison and Monroe.

Secretary of State (and future president) James Monroe, who had also been a U.S. envoy in Paris, wrote Crawford with instructions from himself and President Madison, and with questions, while also offering the opinions then held at the top levels of the U.S. government. The letter is a comprehensive one touching on over a dozen matters of great importance. These include his observation that the peace in Europe harms American interests, elevating an unfriendly Great Britain to greater power; that he knows the British have sent additional forces to America (soon they would burn Washington), and fears that they might add the Duke of Wellington and his armies to these; that if the peace talks at Ghent fail to succeed, the U.S. must prosecute the war more vigorously, and Congress may be called into session for that purpose; that French troops would be welcome to offer their services to the U.S.; that the French ambassador’s reassurances have been accepted, and President Madison instructs Crawford to convey American respects to the new King; and assesses post-war France and asks about how his French friends have faired in the chaos.

In the following letter, François Barbé-Marbois was one of five Napoleonic senators to formulate and draft the Charter of 1814; the Count Constantin Volley was a historian who had lived in and written about the United States; Jean-Jacques-Régis de Cambacérès was the author of the Napoleonic Code; Antoine de la Foret was Consul General of France to the U.S. before the French Revolution, and briefly Foreign Minister of France after the restoration; and Louis Charles Barbe Serurier was French ambassador to the U.S. during these events.

Autograph letter signed, 4 pages, Washington, June 1814, no day but likely toward the close of the month, to Crawford. “Your last letters have announced the most important events that have happened since the commencement of the French Revolution.  After a continual struggle for nearly 25 years, and many changes in the interior of France, and Europe generally, we now find the family that was deposed and expelled from France restored, and France herself reduced nearly to her former limits.  It seems probable that the dread of that power will keep alive such a combination of the other powers as will for some time at least, depress France to an extraordinary degree and elevate G. Britain proportionally.  This cannot fail to prove injurious to us, as from France, who is weak at sea, we have nothing to apprehend, while from England we have nothing to hope.  

“If the Constitution adopted by the [French] Senate is carried into effect, and maintained on its principles, the condition of the French people will be happier than it has hitherto been.  Of the practicability of doing this, experience suggests many causes of doubt.  The habits of the French are entirely military; the mass of the people unlettered; and the pressure on the nation from the surrounding powers so great as to make it very difficult to prevent the absorption of all the powers of Government in the hands of the Executive.  There is undoubtedly much learning in the nation, though confined comparatively to a few, and much more morality and principle… I have seen them in circumstances of great trial and have seen proof of the greatest heroism and magnanimity.  If the present order of theirs remains, which appears to me to be quite probable, and the French remain any time at peace, their prospect of preserving this constitution is good. Knowing as I do so many of the parties engaged in the late extraordinary events, in whose welfare I take an interest, I have been much excited by the dangers to which they have been exposed, & from which they are not yet free. Your own situation has been highly interesting, for although, as I hope, it has been subject to no danger, yet you must have felt for others, & had much anxiety as to the consequences in all their possible aspects. You have witnessed many extraordinary moments and changes in a very short time. In the attention shown you by M. Marbois at the dinner party, I recognize the features of an old friend, who is also a strong friend to our country. Where was Volney, Cambaceres, La Fayette, Nantriere, Le Brean, La Foret in all these movements, & many others of whom I gave you list. I make this inquiry rather to show that I take an interest in what concerns them, than to trouble you to give me any detail.

“In our own affairs the papers will communicate every thing that is interesting.  If peace does not take place, new arrangements must be made for a more vigorous prosecution of the war than has yet been seen. These must be made by Congress. A thousand considerations of the minor kind, have mingled themselves in the movement, heretofore.  Serious danger will I trust put these aside, and this undoubtedly is approaching. A strong force may be expected and is probably on the way to prosecute the war with vigor…. A letter of evidence for the new sovereign will be sent to you as soon as he has been recognized and his title known. Mr. Serurier has given satisfaction to this government, & the President wishes you to make that sentiment known in a suitable way to the government of France an interest is taken in his welfare…It is probable I write you again before the packet sails. I mention a letter this moment received from Mrs. Crawford.

“It is not improbable that the Congress may be convened. If the war goes on, some skillful French officers…may be useful. This is merely a hint. PS Did you get presented to the Emperor of Russia or ascertain his disposition toward us? Or whither G. Britain would be permitted to push this war against us with Lord Wellington’s army, to establish British maritime rights against the interest of Russia and all the powers of the Continent.  Will the present government of France tolerate it?” Crawfords’s docket appears on the final page.

This is one of the most interesting and wide-ranging American diplomatic letters we have ever seen, and filled with wise observations and key questions. It was acquired by us from a direct descendant of William H. Crawford, and it has never before been offered for sale.